Galicia - Revision history

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	[[File:Galicia 1900.~~jpg~~\|250px\|thumb\|right\|Austrian Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria, 1900]]		[[File:Galicia 1900.png\|250px\|thumb\|right\|Austrian Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria, 1900]]
	[[File:Ukraine_(West)_today.~~jpg~~\|250px\|thumb\|Galicia in today's West Ukraine. The Western part of Galicia is now in Poland.]]		[[File:Ukraine_(West)_today.png\|250px\|thumb\|Galicia in today's West Ukraine. The Western part of Galicia is now in Poland.]]
	'''Galicia''' was an ancient principality which lies to the east of the [[Carpathian mountains]]. It is today part of the independent state of [[Ukraine]] and is sometimes now referred to as West Ukraine (East Ukraine being the old Russian province). Its capital is [[Lemberg]] (today: Lviv). Until the 20th century its indigenous population were called Ruthenians.		'''Galicia''' was an ancient principality which lies to the east of the [[Carpathian mountains]]. It is today part of the independent state of [[Ukraine]] and is sometimes now referred to as West Ukraine (East Ukraine being the old Russian province). Its capital is [[Lemberg]] (today: Lviv). Until the 20th century its indigenous population were called Ruthenians.

	In 1858, the population estimates were: 4,625,000, comprising 2,150,000 Ruthenians, 1,925,000 ethnic Poles, 93,000 Germans (or Austrians), 3000 others, and 448,700 jews.		In 1858, the population estimates were: 4,625,000, comprising 2,150,000 Ruthenians, 1,925,000 ethnic Poles, 93,000 Germans (or Austrians), 3000 others, and 448,700 jews.
	==History==		==History==
	[[File:Austrian Emperor Franz Josef.~~jpg~~\|250px\|thumb\|right\|Austrian Kaiser Franz-Josef.]]		[[File:Austrian Emperor Franz Josef.png\|250px\|thumb\|right\|Austrian Kaiser Franz-Josef.]]
	Prince Vladimir of Novgorod and later Grand Duke of [[Kiev]], a direct descendant of the [[Viking]] [[Rurik]], arguably the founder of Russia, is said to have added Galicia (sometimes also called 'Red Russia', or 'Red Ruthenia') to his dominions some time before 988. Whether the incumbent Prince of Galicia was permitted to continue reigning with Vladimir as a feudal overlord to whom he should now pay homage is unclear. Some historians suggest that Vladimir simply installed a member of his wider family as the new prince.<ref>Previté-Orton, C. W., Litt.D., F.B.A., ''A History of Europe from 1198 to 1378'', London, 1937, p.166.</ref> About 1240 Galicia was devastated by the Mongols, who swept across 'Red Russia'. In 1256 Prince Danielo Romanovich Halitsky, Prince of Galicia (r.1245-64), founded a new capital, [[Lemberg\|Lviv]].<ref>''Encyclopaedia Britannica'', 15th edition, 1990, vol.7, p.581.</ref> However the [[Tartars]] returned in 1282 and desolated Galicia again, and left it to fall under the sway of its neighbours, [[Poland]] and [[Lithuania]].<ref>Previté-Orton, 1937, p.168.</ref> Subsequently [[Cossack]]s also over-ran Galicia.		Prince Vladimir of Novgorod and later Grand Duke of [[Kiev]], a direct descendant of the [[Viking]] [[Rurik]], arguably the founder of Russia, is said to have added Galicia (sometimes also called 'Red Russia', or 'Red Ruthenia') to his dominions some time before 988. Whether the incumbent Prince of Galicia was permitted to continue reigning with Vladimir as a feudal overlord to whom he should now pay homage is unclear. Some historians suggest that Vladimir simply installed a member of his wider family as the new prince.<ref>Previté-Orton, C. W., Litt.D., F.B.A., ''A History of Europe from 1198 to 1378'', London, 1937, p.166.</ref> About 1240 Galicia was devastated by the Mongols, who swept across 'Red Russia'. In 1256 Prince Danielo Romanovich Halitsky, Prince of Galicia (r.1245-64), founded a new capital, [[Lemberg\|Lviv]].<ref>''Encyclopaedia Britannica'', 15th edition, 1990, vol.7, p.581.</ref> However the [[Tartars]] returned in 1282 and desolated Galicia again, and left it to fall under the sway of its neighbours, [[Poland]] and [[Lithuania]].<ref>Previté-Orton, 1937, p.168.</ref> Subsequently [[Cossack]]s also over-ran Galicia.

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	===Austrian rule===		===Austrian rule===
	[[File:Galicia_in_Austria_1914.~~jpg~~\|250px\|thumb\|right\|Galicia 1914]]		[[File:Galicia_in_Austria_1914.png\|250px\|thumb\|right\|Galicia 1914]]
	[[File:Ruthenian farm in Galicia.~~jpg~~\|250px\|thumb\|right\|Ruthenians and a typical farm at the end of [[The Great War]].]]		[[File:Ruthenian farm in Galicia.png\|250px\|thumb\|right\|Ruthenians and a typical farm at the end of [[The Great War]].]]
	In the 1772 partition of the [[Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth]], Galicia (plus the old province of [[Krakow]]) fell to [[Austria]], who renamed it the Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria (which became one of the titles of the Emperor), its area covering some 30,000 square miles, similar in size to [[Scotland]] or [[Bavaria]].<ref>Davies, Norman, ''Vanished Kingdoms'', London, 2011, p.449-450. ISBN:978-1-846-14338-0</ref> The Austrians proceeded to turn the capital, [[Lemberg]] (Lvov), into a modern city, "deeply influenced by the enlightened reforms of Emperor Joseph II"<ref>Davies, 2011, 451.</ref>, who visited the city in 1780.		In the 1772 partition of the [[Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth]], Galicia (plus the old province of [[Krakow]]) fell to [[Austria]], who renamed it the Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria (which became one of the titles of the Emperor), its area covering some 30,000 square miles, similar in size to [[Scotland]] or [[Bavaria]].<ref>Davies, Norman, ''Vanished Kingdoms'', London, 2011, p.449-450. ISBN:978-1-846-14338-0</ref> The Austrians proceeded to turn the capital, [[Lemberg]] (Lvov), into a modern city, "deeply influenced by the enlightened reforms of Emperor Joseph II"<ref>Davies, 2011, 451.</ref>, who visited the city in 1780.

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	By 1914 Lemberg was fourth largest city of the Habsburg monarchy.<ref>Shermer, David, ''World War 1'', London, 1973, p.53, ISBN:0-7064-0245-6</ref>		By 1914 Lemberg was fourth largest city of the Habsburg monarchy.<ref>Shermer, David, ''World War 1'', London, 1973, p.53, ISBN:0-7064-0245-6</ref>
	[[File:Austrian Kaiser Karl in Galicia.~~jpg~~\|250px\|thumb\|right\|Austrian Kaiser (from Dec 1916) Karl visiting the front line in Galicia.]]		[[File:Austrian Kaiser Karl in Galicia.png\|250px\|thumb\|right\|Austrian Kaiser (from Dec 1916) Karl visiting the front line in Galicia.]]

	===The Great War===		===The Great War===
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	On day three, the Central Powers counter-attacked and the Russian offensive simply collapsed, with hundreds of thousands of casualties, tens of thousands of deserters and millions of square miles of territory lost. It was the end of Russia's war.<ref>Figes, 1996, p.418-9.</ref> In July 1917 a huge debate took place in the Russian [[Duma]] over autonomy for Ukraine (being that part of it in Russia, not Galicia), which was violently opposed by a majority, and which caused a major parliamentary crisis<ref>Figes, 1996, p.420.</ref> resulting in the resignation of the Premier, Prince Lvov, and his Cadet Party.		On day three, the Central Powers counter-attacked and the Russian offensive simply collapsed, with hundreds of thousands of casualties, tens of thousands of deserters and millions of square miles of territory lost. It was the end of Russia's war.<ref>Figes, 1996, p.418-9.</ref> In July 1917 a huge debate took place in the Russian [[Duma]] over autonomy for Ukraine (being that part of it in Russia, not Galicia), which was violently opposed by a majority, and which caused a major parliamentary crisis<ref>Figes, 1996, p.420.</ref> resulting in the resignation of the Premier, Prince Lvov, and his Cadet Party.
	[[File:German-Austrian_advance_Mar_1918.~~jpg~~\|250px\|thumb\|right\|Extent of German-Austrian advance in March 1918]]		[[File:German-Austrian_advance_Mar_1918.png\|250px\|thumb\|right\|Extent of German-Austrian advance in March 1918]]

	===February 1918 Ukraine Treaty ===		===February 1918 Ukraine Treaty ===
	[[File:Brest-Litovsk Treaties - Ukrainians.~~jpg~~\|250px\|thumb\|right\|Ukraine delegation at Brest-Litovsk March 1918.]]		[[File:Brest-Litovsk Treaties - Ukrainians.png\|250px\|thumb\|right\|Ukraine delegation at Brest-Litovsk March 1918.]]
	In early '''1918''' three young men, supposedly representing the Ukrainian ''Rada'', a left-socialist 'government', Andrew Levitsky (jewish), Mykola Liubinsky<ref>A graduate in Philology from the University of Kiev, he was in the 1920s a research associate at the ludicrous Institute of the Ukrainian Scientific Language and co-editor of the Bulletin of the Institute of the Ukrainian Scientific Language, all part and parcel of the Ukrainian fascist movement trying to demonstrate that Russian and Ukrainian are different languages.</ref>, and Simon Sevruk, set off to demand a place at the conference table for the talks which would ultimately end in the Treaty of [[Brest-Litovsk]], with far-reaching plans for a Greater Ukraine which would include Galicia and Ruthenia plus the [[Bukovina]] and the district of Cholm ([[Kulm]]). However it soon became clear that they would be of no value when "dealing with hard facts" and especially when they announced that they would refuse to talk any language but their own. General Max Hoffman ignored their "impudence", and told them that "they must be crazy if they thought they were in a position to force Austria to cede territory to them."		In early '''1918''' three young men, supposedly representing the Ukrainian ''Rada'', a left-socialist 'government', Andrew Levitsky (jewish), Mykola Liubinsky<ref>A graduate in Philology from the University of Kiev, he was in the 1920s a research associate at the ludicrous Institute of the Ukrainian Scientific Language and co-editor of the Bulletin of the Institute of the Ukrainian Scientific Language, all part and parcel of the Ukrainian fascist movement trying to demonstrate that Russian and Ukrainian are different languages.</ref>, and Simon Sevruk, set off to demand a place at the conference table for the talks which would ultimately end in the Treaty of [[Brest-Litovsk]], with far-reaching plans for a Greater Ukraine which would include Galicia and Ruthenia plus the [[Bukovina]] and the district of Cholm ([[Kulm]]). However it soon became clear that they would be of no value when "dealing with hard facts" and especially when they announced that they would refuse to talk any language but their own. General Max Hoffman ignored their "impudence", and told them that "they must be crazy if they thought they were in a position to force Austria to cede territory to them."

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	===Brief Independence===		===Brief Independence===
	[[File:Ukraine anti-Petlura poster.~~jpg~~\|250px\|thumb\|right\|"Corrupt Petlura has sold Ukraine to the Polish landowners." (Ukrainian text)]]		[[File:Ukraine anti-Petlura poster.png\|250px\|thumb\|right\|"Corrupt Petlura has sold Ukraine to the Polish landowners." (Ukrainian text)]]
	The ''Rada'', however, soon proved incapable of effective government and on the afternoon of April 28th, when the ''Rada'' was in full session, its ministers, bar one, were arrested. The delegates themselves were dismissed. The following day General Paul Skoropadsky was proclaimed Hetman of the Ukraine before the Congress of Landowners. General Max Hoffman noted that "everything [that has been] done in the Ukraine is the result of the most careful consultation between the (German) Chancellor, the Foreign Office, and G.H.Q." Skoropadsky's regime was marked by a substantial economic revival, the land-owners, industrialists, and bourgeoisie being only too anxious to co-operate with the new (non-Red) government. For a short time the Ukraine became a bourgeoisie Mecca and thither flocked thousands of refugees from Bolshevist Russia, eager to join in the riot of speculation sweeping Kiev, and Lemberg.<ref>Wheeler-Bennett, 1966, 321-3.</ref>		The ''Rada'', however, soon proved incapable of effective government and on the afternoon of April 28th, when the ''Rada'' was in full session, its ministers, bar one, were arrested. The delegates themselves were dismissed. The following day General Paul Skoropadsky was proclaimed Hetman of the Ukraine before the Congress of Landowners. General Max Hoffman noted that "everything [that has been] done in the Ukraine is the result of the most careful consultation between the (German) Chancellor, the Foreign Office, and G.H.Q." Skoropadsky's regime was marked by a substantial economic revival, the land-owners, industrialists, and bourgeoisie being only too anxious to co-operate with the new (non-Red) government. For a short time the Ukraine became a bourgeoisie Mecca and thither flocked thousands of refugees from Bolshevist Russia, eager to join in the riot of speculation sweeping Kiev, and Lemberg.<ref>Wheeler-Bennett, 1966, 321-3.</ref>

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	===February 1918 Ukraine Treaty ===		===February 1918 Ukraine Treaty ===
	[[File:Brest-Litovsk Treaties - Ukrainians.jpg\|250px\|thumb\|right\|Ukraine delegation at Brest-Litovsk March 1918.]]		[[File:Brest-Litovsk Treaties - Ukrainians.jpg\|250px\|thumb\|right\|Ukraine delegation at Brest-Litovsk March 1918.]]
	In early '''1918''' three young men, supposedly representing the Ukrainian ''Rada'', a left-socialist 'government', Andrew Levitsky (Jewish), Mykola Liubinsky<ref>A graduate in Philology from the University of Kiev, he was in the 1920s a research associate at the ludicrous Institute of the Ukrainian Scientific Language and co-editor of the Bulletin of the Institute of the Ukrainian Scientific Language, all part and parcel of the Ukrainian ~~nationalist~~ movement trying to demonstrate that Russian and Ukrainian are different languages.</ref>, and Simon Sevruk, set off to demand a place at the conference table for the talks which would ultimately end in the Treaty of [[Brest-Litovsk]], with far-reaching plans for a Greater Ukraine which would include Galicia and Ruthenia plus the [[Bukovina]] and the district of Cholm ([[Kulm]]). However it soon became clear that they would be of no value when "dealing with hard facts" and especially when they announced that they would refuse to talk any language but their own. General Max Hoffman ignored their "impudence", and told them that "they must be crazy if they thought they were in a position to force Austria to cede territory to them."		In early '''1918''' three young men, supposedly representing the Ukrainian ''Rada'', a left-socialist 'government', Andrew Levitsky (Jewish), Mykola Liubinsky<ref>A graduate in Philology from the University of Kiev, he was in the 1920s a research associate at the ludicrous Institute of the Ukrainian Scientific Language and co-editor of the Bulletin of the Institute of the Ukrainian Scientific Language, all part and parcel of the Ukrainian fascist movement trying to demonstrate that Russian and Ukrainian are different languages.</ref>, and Simon Sevruk, set off to demand a place at the conference table for the talks which would ultimately end in the Treaty of [[Brest-Litovsk]], with far-reaching plans for a Greater Ukraine which would include Galicia and Ruthenia plus the [[Bukovina]] and the district of Cholm ([[Kulm]]). However it soon became clear that they would be of no value when "dealing with hard facts" and especially when they announced that they would refuse to talk any language but their own. General Max Hoffman ignored their "impudence", and told them that "they must be crazy if they thought they were in a position to force Austria to cede territory to them."

	Then, the Hungarian Prime Minister, Count Wekerle, opposed the conditions of the proposed separate treaty with the Ukraine during a Crown Council in Vienna. Meanwhile the [[Bolshevik]] 'Ukrainian Government' at [[Kharkov]], rejecting the Kiev ''Rada'' (the Red Guards were then advancing on Kiev in any case and the ''Rada'' government driven out on the 5th February, to reassemble elsewhere), telegraphed that they too were proposing to send two delegates, but as part of the Russian delegation, to take part in the negotiations with the [[Central Powers]]. [[Trotsky]] now announced that an agreement concluded with the Ukrainian ''Rada'' would not be an agreement with the Ukraine. Austria's Count Czernin, however, now declared, on behalf of the Central Powers, that they recognised "immediately the Ukrainian People's Republic (the ''Rada'' state) as an independent, free and sovereign State, which is able to enter into international agreements independently."		Then, the Hungarian Prime Minister, Count Wekerle, opposed the conditions of the proposed separate treaty with the Ukraine during a Crown Council in Vienna. Meanwhile the [[Bolshevik]] 'Ukrainian Government' at [[Kharkov]], rejecting the Kiev ''Rada'' (the Red Guards were then advancing on Kiev in any case and the ''Rada'' government driven out on the 5th February, to reassemble elsewhere), telegraphed that they too were proposing to send two delegates, but as part of the Russian delegation, to take part in the negotiations with the [[Central Powers]]. [[Trotsky]] now announced that an agreement concluded with the Ukrainian ''Rada'' would not be an agreement with the Ukraine. Austria's Count Czernin, however, now declared, on behalf of the Central Powers, that they recognised "immediately the Ukrainian People's Republic (the ''Rada'' state) as an independent, free and sovereign State, which is able to enter into international agreements independently."
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	However the former ''Rada'''s proposed confiscation of all the landed estates being overturned by Skorapadsky's regime, and his new social and agricultural policies designed to get things working, inaugurated a period of violent insurrections by the peasants. Passive resistance and even sabotage became the order of the day. In Odessa an aeroplane factory was set on fire; numerous munitions dumps were exploded and trains wrecked. [[Partisans]] now ambushed isolated units of soldiers. Austrian and German troops had to be called in to assist the Hetman's police. With the final withdrawal of Central Powers' troops to the Western Front in the summer of 1918 Skoropadsky's regime began to collapse and in November it was declared that Ukraine was no longer independent but an integral part of Greater Russia.<ref>Wheeler-Bennett, 1966, 323-5.</ref>		However the former ''Rada'''s proposed confiscation of all the landed estates being overturned by Skorapadsky's regime, and his new social and agricultural policies designed to get things working, inaugurated a period of violent insurrections by the peasants. Passive resistance and even sabotage became the order of the day. In Odessa an aeroplane factory was set on fire; numerous munitions dumps were exploded and trains wrecked. [[Partisans]] now ambushed isolated units of soldiers. Austrian and German troops had to be called in to assist the Hetman's police. With the final withdrawal of Central Powers' troops to the Western Front in the summer of 1918 Skoropadsky's regime began to collapse and in November it was declared that Ukraine was no longer independent but an integral part of Greater Russia.<ref>Wheeler-Bennett, 1966, 323-5.</ref>

	In December 1918 a People's Republic under a ''Directory'' presided over by Symon Petlura was proclaimed. However he then formed an alliance with [[Poland]] to defeat the Bolsheviks, offering Poland, in return, Galicia. This provoked a huge backlash amongst Ukrainian ~~nationalists~~ and peasant committees in Galicia who were "manifestly anti-Polish and wanted to destroy everything Polish regardless of class distinction" with dramatic reports of Polish landed proprietors being burnt alive and the prisons "crammed with Poles".<ref>''A Collection of Reports on Bolshevism in Russia'', No.34, from Sir Horace Rumbold to Earl Curzon, British War Office, 1919. Published in HMSO 'Uncovered editions', 2000, pps:124-128, ISBN 0-11-702424-4</ref> Petlura was overthrown after a brief duration by the [[Bolsheviks]], who occupied [[Kiev]] in February 1919. (Petlura was later assassinated in broad daylight in the centre of [[Paris]], on 25 May 1926, by the Russian Jew and anarchist Sholom Schwartzbard.)		In December 1918 a People's Republic under a ''Directory'' presided over by Symon Petlura was proclaimed. However he then formed an alliance with [[Poland]] to defeat the Bolsheviks, offering Poland, in return, Galicia. This provoked a huge backlash amongst Ukrainian fascists and peasant committees in Galicia who were "manifestly anti-Polish and wanted to destroy everything Polish regardless of class distinction" with dramatic reports of Polish landed proprietors being burnt alive and the prisons "crammed with Poles".<ref>''A Collection of Reports on Bolshevism in Russia'', No.34, from Sir Horace Rumbold to Earl Curzon, British War Office, 1919. Published in HMSO 'Uncovered editions', 2000, pps:124-128, ISBN 0-11-702424-4</ref> Petlura was overthrown after a brief duration by the [[Bolsheviks]], who occupied [[Kiev]] in February 1919. (Petlura was later assassinated in broad daylight in the centre of [[Paris]], on 25 May 1926, by the Russian Jew and anarchist Sholom Schwartzbard.)

	What equated to a stubborn civil war now ensued between the native Ruthenians and the Poles. The 'Big Four' leaders at the Paris Peace Commission sent to the new Polish Minister for Foreign Affairs in [[Warsaw]], on 3 April 1919, a very stiff ''Note'' calling for a cessation. The Armistice Commission unanimously drafted a Convention for halting hostilities in Galicia which was sent to the opposing sides on May 12th. It was accepted by the Ruthenians, and rejected by the Poles who defied the Conference and demanded full military occupation.<ref>Temperley, H.W.V., editor, ''A History of the Peace Conference of Paris'', vol.1, London, 1920, p.335-6.</ref>		What equated to a stubborn civil war now ensued between the native Ruthenians and the Poles. The 'Big Four' leaders at the Paris Peace Commission sent to the new Polish Minister for Foreign Affairs in [[Warsaw]], on 3 April 1919, a very stiff ''Note'' calling for a cessation. The Armistice Commission unanimously drafted a Convention for halting hostilities in Galicia which was sent to the opposing sides on May 12th. It was accepted by the Ruthenians, and rejected by the Poles who defied the Conference and demanded full military occupation.<ref>Temperley, H.W.V., editor, ''A History of the Peace Conference of Paris'', vol.1, London, 1920, p.335-6.</ref>
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	The new resurrected [[Poland]] argued forcefully at the [[Treaty of Versailles\|Paris Peace Conference]] for Galicia and all Ruthenia to be given to them. During the arguments between the Polish representatives and the western Allies, Paderewski (for Poland) argued that Ruthenians and Ukrainians were "primitive people" and only even existed because of Polish "assistance and practical help", and that Poland had (laughingly) "never imposed upon any nation our language or religion"!<ref>Woodward, Professor E.L., and Butler, Rohan, ''Documents on British Foreign Policy 1919-1939'', First Series, vol.iii, 1919, HMSO, London, 1949, p.352.</ref> Clearly he should have stuck to the piano as his history was seriously wanting. In June 1919, by the treaties of Trianon and [[Versailles Treaty\|Versailles]], Galicia was formally removed from the [[Austria-Hungary\|Austrian Empire]] by the victorious plutocratic Western Allies. The depleted Austro-Hungarian garrisons returned home leaving a void.		The new resurrected [[Poland]] argued forcefully at the [[Treaty of Versailles\|Paris Peace Conference]] for Galicia and all Ruthenia to be given to them. During the arguments between the Polish representatives and the western Allies, Paderewski (for Poland) argued that Ruthenians and Ukrainians were "primitive people" and only even existed because of Polish "assistance and practical help", and that Poland had (laughingly) "never imposed upon any nation our language or religion"!<ref>Woodward, Professor E.L., and Butler, Rohan, ''Documents on British Foreign Policy 1919-1939'', First Series, vol.iii, 1919, HMSO, London, 1949, p.352.</ref> Clearly he should have stuck to the piano as his history was seriously wanting. In June 1919, by the treaties of Trianon and [[Versailles Treaty\|Versailles]], Galicia was formally removed from the [[Austria-Hungary\|Austrian Empire]] by the victorious plutocratic Western Allies. The depleted Austro-Hungarian garrisons returned home leaving a void.

	Poland's Marshal Pilsudski, with his French-supplied army, now invaded Galicia, capturing [[Lemberg]] where Polish troops ran amok in Jewish neighbourhoods, incensed by Jewish protestations of neutrality in the contest for the city between the Poles and the Ruthenians.<ref>Ferguson, Niall, ''The War of the World'', Allen Lane pubs., London 2006, p.169. ISBN:0-713-99708-7</ref> Then with a force of Poles and reliable Ukrainian ~~nationalists~~ they made a mad dash towards [[Kiev]], taking it on 6 May 1920, in a desperate bid to transform and incorporate all the [[Ukraine]] into a 'Greater Poland'. (See: [[Poland]])<ref>Figes, 1996, p.697-8.</ref> The majority indigenous Ruthenians in Galicia were defeated in their own homeland. They loathed the Polish landowners "who wished to maintain their control over the peasants", "with a deep hatred".<ref>Medlicott, M.A.,D.Lit., Professor W.N., Dakin, M.A., PhD., Douglas, & Lambert, M.E., M.A., ''Documents on British Foreign Policy 1919-1939'', First series, vol.xvi, HMSO, London, 1968, p.9.</ref>.		Poland's Marshal Pilsudski, with his French-supplied army, now invaded Galicia, capturing [[Lemberg]] where Polish troops ran amok in Jewish neighbourhoods, incensed by Jewish protestations of neutrality in the contest for the city between the Poles and the Ruthenians.<ref>Ferguson, Niall, ''The War of the World'', Allen Lane pubs., London 2006, p.169. ISBN:0-713-99708-7</ref> Then with a force of Poles and reliable Ukrainian fascists they made a mad dash towards [[Kiev]], taking it on 6 May 1920, in a desperate bid to transform and incorporate all the [[Ukraine]] into a 'Greater Poland'. (See: [[Poland]])<ref>Figes, 1996, p.697-8.</ref> The majority indigenous Ruthenians in Galicia were defeated in their own homeland. They loathed the Polish landowners "who wished to maintain their control over the peasants", "with a deep hatred".<ref>Medlicott, M.A.,D.Lit., Professor W.N., Dakin, M.A., PhD., Douglas, & Lambert, M.E., M.A., ''Documents on British Foreign Policy 1919-1939'', First series, vol.xvi, HMSO, London, 1968, p.9.</ref>.

	The impotent Western Allies, unable to act, and presented with the usual Polish ''fait accompli'', in the end only awarded a new League of Nations Mandate for 25 years to Poland, which they objected to. Poland nevertheless remained in possession and then arrogantly gave Galicia the unhistorical name of 'Eastern Little Poland'. <ref>Carr, Professor E.H., ''International Relations since the Peace Treaties'', revised edition, Macmillan, London, 1945, p.33-4.</ref> As expected by the indigenous population, administration and education were strongly Polonised, the promised autonomy ignored, and the Ruthenian language and culture suppressed.<ref>Medlicott, Prof. W.N., Dakin, Prof.Douglas, & Bennett, Gillian, ''Documents on British Foreign Policy 1919-1939'', 1st series, vol.xiii, HMSO, London. 1981, pps: 539-549; 966-968</ref><ref>Medlicott, Prof. W.N., Dakin, Prof.Douglas, & Bennett, Gillian, ''Documents on British Foreign Policy 1919-1939'', 1st series, vol.xxv, HMSO, London. 1984, p.785-788.</ref> One historian pointed out that by 1933 it was clear that the Ruthenian native population in Galicia had lost most of the advantages which they enjoyed under Austrian rule.<ref>Seton-Watson, R.W., ''Britain and the Dictators'', Cambridge University Press, 1938, p.331.</ref>		The impotent Western Allies, unable to act, and presented with the usual Polish ''fait accompli'', in the end only awarded a new League of Nations Mandate for 25 years to Poland, which they objected to. Poland nevertheless remained in possession and then arrogantly gave Galicia the unhistorical name of 'Eastern Little Poland'. <ref>Carr, Professor E.H., ''International Relations since the Peace Treaties'', revised edition, Macmillan, London, 1945, p.33-4.</ref> As expected by the indigenous population, administration and education were strongly Polonised, the promised autonomy ignored, and the Ruthenian language and culture suppressed.<ref>Medlicott, Prof. W.N., Dakin, Prof.Douglas, & Bennett, Gillian, ''Documents on British Foreign Policy 1919-1939'', 1st series, vol.xiii, HMSO, London. 1981, pps: 539-549; 966-968</ref><ref>Medlicott, Prof. W.N., Dakin, Prof.Douglas, & Bennett, Gillian, ''Documents on British Foreign Policy 1919-1939'', 1st series, vol.xxv, HMSO, London. 1984, p.785-788.</ref> One historian pointed out that by 1933 it was clear that the Ruthenian native population in Galicia had lost most of the advantages which they enjoyed under Austrian rule.<ref>Seton-Watson, R.W., ''Britain and the Dictators'', Cambridge University Press, 1938, p.331.</ref>
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	Austria, after 1867, recognized the rights of national minorities, such as the Ukrainians (then called Ruthenians). Western Ukrainians were able to establish their own schools and obtain political representation in local and national parliaments. The Russian empire, on the other hand, banned the public use and study of Ukrainian (then called “Little Russian”) and any political activity associated with it.		Austria, after 1867, recognized the rights of national minorities, such as the Ukrainians (then called Ruthenians). Western Ukrainians were able to establish their own schools and obtain political representation in local and national parliaments. The Russian empire, on the other hand, banned the public use and study of Ukrainian (then called “Little Russian”) and any political activity associated with it.

	The Kingdom of Galicia and Lodermeria, as part of the [[Austro-Hungarian Empire]], had been granted relatively liberal rights of self-government. This had allowed the Ukrainians/Ruthenians in Galicia to promote their own language in primary schools and public life, to publish native-language newspapers and books, and to advance the study of Ukrainian history and folk culture. Galicia became a sort of 'Ukrainian Piedmont' for the rest of the national movement in the Russian part of Ukraine: a forcing house of national consciousness and an oasis of freedom for ~~nationalist~~ intellectuals. [[Lemberg]] (Lviv), its capital, was a thriving centre of Ukrainian culture.		The Kingdom of Galicia and Lodermeria, as part of the [[Austro-Hungarian Empire]], had been granted relatively liberal rights of self-government. This had allowed the Ukrainians/Ruthenians in Galicia to promote their own language in primary schools and public life, to publish native-language newspapers and books, and to advance the study of Ukrainian history and folk culture. Galicia became a sort of 'Ukrainian Piedmont' for the rest of the national movement in the Russian part of Ukraine: a forcing house of national consciousness and an oasis of freedom for fascist intellectuals. [[Lemberg]] (Lviv), its capital, was a thriving centre of Ukrainian culture.

	Although subjects of the [[Tsar]], both the composer Lysenko and the historian Hrushevsky had found their nation in Galicia. The ~~nationalist~~ intellectuals who pioneered the Ukrainian literary language in the middle decades of the nineteenth century all borrowed terms from the Galician dialect, which they considered the most advanced. The Romantic poetry of Taras Shevchenko, which played the same role as Mickiewicz's poetry in Poland in shaping the intelligentsia's national consciousness, was an important part of this literary renaissance in Galicia.<ref>Figes, 1996, p.74.</ref>		Although subjects of the [[Tsar]], both the composer Lysenko and the historian Hrushevsky had found their nation in Galicia. The fascist intellectuals who pioneered the Ukrainian literary language in the middle decades of the nineteenth century all borrowed terms from the Galician dialect, which they considered the most advanced. The Romantic poetry of Taras Shevchenko, which played the same role as Mickiewicz's poetry in Poland in shaping the intelligentsia's national consciousness, was an important part of this literary renaissance in Galicia.<ref>Figes, 1996, p.74.</ref>

	==References==		==References==