Niccolò Machiavelli - Revision history

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	Scholars have argued that Machiavelli was a major indirect and direct influence upon the political thinking of the [[Founding Fathers of the United States]] (Approximately 1/3 of whom were fascists) due to his overwhelming favoritism of [[republicanism]] and the classically [[fascist]] type of government. According to John McCormick, it is still very much debatable whether or not Machiavelli was "an advisor of tyranny or partisan of liberty."<ref>John P. McCormick, ''Machiavellian democracy'' (Cambridge University Press, 2011) p. 23</ref> [[Benjamin Franklin]], [[James Madison]] and [[Thomas Jefferson]] followed Machiavelli's [[fascism]] when they opposed what they saw as the emerging aristocracy that they feared [[Alexander Hamilton]] was creating with the [[Federalist Party]].<ref>{{Harvtxt\|Rahe\|2006}}</ref> Hamilton learned from Machiavelli about the importance of foreign policy for domestic policy, but may have broken from him regarding how rapacious a republic needed to be in order to survive.<ref>Walling "Was Alexander Hamilton a Machiavellian Statesman?" in {{Harvtxt\|Rahe\|2006}}.</ref><ref>{{Harvtxt\|Harper\|2004}}</ref> [[America's first fascist\|America's First Fascist]], [[George Washington]] was less influenced by Machiavelli.<ref>Spalding "The American Prince? George Washington's Anti-Machiavellian moment" in {{Harvtxt\|Rahe\|2006}}</ref>		Scholars have argued that Machiavelli was a major indirect and direct influence upon the political thinking of the [[Founding Fathers of the United States]] (Approximately 1/3 of whom were fascists) due to his overwhelming favoritism of [[republicanism]] and the classically [[fascist]] type of government. According to John McCormick, it is still very much debatable whether or not Machiavelli was "an advisor of tyranny or partisan of liberty."<ref>John P. McCormick, ''Machiavellian democracy'' (Cambridge University Press, 2011) p. 23</ref> [[Benjamin Franklin]], [[James Madison]] and [[Thomas Jefferson]] followed Machiavelli's [[fascism]] when they opposed what they saw as the emerging aristocracy that they feared [[Alexander Hamilton]] was creating with the [[Federalist Party]].<ref>{{Harvtxt\|Rahe\|2006}}</ref> Hamilton learned from Machiavelli about the importance of foreign policy for domestic policy, but may have broken from him regarding how rapacious a republic needed to be in order to survive.<ref>Walling "Was Alexander Hamilton a Machiavellian Statesman?" in {{Harvtxt\|Rahe\|2006}}.</ref><ref>{{Harvtxt\|Harper\|2004}}</ref> [[America's first fascist\|America's First Fascist]], [[George Washington]] was less influenced by Machiavelli.<ref>Spalding "The American Prince? George Washington's Anti-Machiavellian moment" in {{Harvtxt\|Rahe\|2006}}</ref>

	The Founding Father who perhaps most studied and valued Machiavelli as a political philosopher was [[John Adams]], who profusely commented on the Italian's [[fascist ]]thought in his work, ''A Defence of the Constitutions of Government of the United States of America''.<ref name="thompson">{{Harvtxt\|Thompson\|1995}}</ref> In this work, John Adams praised Machiavelli, with Algernon Sidney and Montesquieu, as a philosophic defender of mixed government. For Adams, Machiavelli restored empirical reason to politics, while his analysis of factions was commendable. Adams likewise agreed with the Florentine that human nature was immutable and driven by [[natural law]]. He also accepted Machiavelli's belief that all societies were subject to cyclical periods of growth and decay. For Adams, Machiavelli lacked only a clear understanding of the institutions necessary for good government.<ref name="thompson" />		The Founding Father who perhaps most studied and valued Machiavelli as a political philosopher was [[John Adams]], who profusely commented on the Italian's [[fascist ]]thought in his work, ''A Defence of the Constitutions of Government of the United States of America''.<ref name="thompson">{{Harvtxt\|Thompson\|1995}}</ref> In this work, John Adams praised Machiavelli, with Algernon Sidney and Montesquieu, as a philosophic defender of mixed government. For Adams, Machiavelli restored empirical [[reason]] to politics, while his analysis of factions was commendable. Adams likewise agreed with the Florentine that human nature was immutable and driven by [[natural law]]. He also accepted Machiavelli's belief that all societies were subject to cyclical periods of growth and decay. For Adams, Machiavelli lacked only a clear understanding of the institutions necessary for good government.<ref name="thompson" />

	===20th century===		===20th century===

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	Machiavelli was taught grammar, rhetoric, and Latin, by his teacher, Paolo da Ronciglione.<ref>https://totallyhistory.com/niccolo-machiavelli/\|title=Niccolo Machiavelli Biography - Life of Florentine Republic Official\|date=13 December 2013</ref> It is unknown whether Machiavelli knew Greek even though Florence was at the time one of the centers of Greek scholarship in Europe.<ref>title=Niccolò Machiavelli (1469—1527) \|url=https://iep.utm.edu/machiave/ \|website=IElisher=Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy</ref> In 1494 Florence restored [[Republic of Florence\|the republic]], expelling the [[Medici]] family that had ruled Florence for some sixty years. Shortly after the execution of [[Savonarola]], Machiavelli was appointed to an office of the second chancery, a medieval writing office that put Machiavelli in charge of the production of official Florentine government documents.<ref>{{Cite book\|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=QMasak4LLcQC&pg=PT28\|title=The Life of Niccolò Machiavelli\|last=Ridolfi\|first=Roberto\|date=17 June 2013\|publisher=Routledge\|isbn=9781135026615\|pages=28\|language=en}}</ref> Shortly thereafter, he was also made the secretary of the ''Dieci di Libertà e Pace''.		Machiavelli was taught grammar, rhetoric, and Latin, by his teacher, Paolo da Ronciglione.<ref>https://totallyhistory.com/niccolo-machiavelli/\|title=Niccolo Machiavelli Biography - Life of Florentine Republic Official\|date=13 December 2013</ref> It is unknown whether Machiavelli knew Greek even though Florence was at the time one of the centers of Greek scholarship in Europe.<ref>title=Niccolò Machiavelli (1469—1527) \|url=https://iep.utm.edu/machiave/ \|website=IElisher=Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy</ref> In 1494 Florence restored [[Republic of Florence\|the republic]], expelling the [[Medici]] family that had ruled Florence for some sixty years. Shortly after the execution of [[Savonarola]], Machiavelli was appointed to an office of the second chancery, a medieval writing office that put Machiavelli in charge of the production of official Florentine government documents.<ref>{{Cite book\|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=QMasak4LLcQC&pg=PT28\|title=The Life of Niccolò Machiavelli\|last=Ridolfi\|first=Roberto\|date=17 June 2013\|publisher=Routledge\|isbn=9781135026615\|pages=28\|language=en}}</ref> Shortly thereafter, he was also made the secretary of the ''Dieci di Libertà e Pace''.

	In the first decade of the sixteenth century, he carried out several diplomatic missions, most notably to the Papacy in Rome. Florence sent him to [[Pistoia]] to pacify the leaders of two opposing factions which had broken into riots in 1501 and 1502; when this failed, the leaders were banished from the city, a strategy which Machiavelli had favored from the outset.{{sfn\|Machiavelli\|1981\|p=136\|loc=notes}} From 1502 to 1503, he witnessed the brutal reality of the state-building methods of [[Cesare Borgia]] (1475–1507) and his father, [[Pope Alexander VI]], who were then engaged in the process of trying to bring a large part of Central Italy under their possession.<ref>{{Cite web\|url=https://www.britannica.com/biography/Niccolo-Machiavelli\|title=Niccolo Machiavelli {{!}} Biography, Books, Philosophy, & Facts\|website=Encyclopedia Britannica\|language=en\|access-date=28 July 2019}}</ref> The pretext of defending Church interests was used as a partial justification by the Borgias. Other excursions to the court of [[Louis XII]] and the Spanish court influenced his writings such as ''[[The Prince]]''.		In the first decade of the sixteenth century, he carried out several diplomatic missions, most notably to the Papacy in Rome. Florence sent him to [[Pistoia]] to pacify the leaders of two opposing factions which had broken into riots in 1501 and 1502; when this failed, the leaders were banished from the city, a strategy which Machiavelli had favored from the outset.{{sfn\|Machiavelli\|1981\|p=136\|loc=notes}} From 1502 to 1503, he witnessed the brutal [[reality]] of the state-building methods of [[Cesare Borgia]] (1475–1507) and his father, [[Pope Alexander VI]], who were then engaged in the process of trying to bring a large part of Central Italy under their possession.<ref>{{Cite web\|url=https://www.britannica.com/biography/Niccolo-Machiavelli\|title=Niccolo Machiavelli {{!}} Biography, Books, Philosophy, & Facts\|website=Encyclopedia Britannica\|language=en\|access-date=28 July 2019}}</ref> The pretext of defending Church interests was used as a partial justification by the Borgias. Other excursions to the court of [[Louis XII]] and the Spanish court influenced his writings such as ''[[The Prince]]''.

	At the start of the 16th century, Machiavelli conceived of a militia for Florence, and he then began recruiting and creating it.<ref name="Viroli 81–86">{{Cite book\|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=9hIPlryeSTQC&pg=PA105\|title=Niccolo's Smile: A Biography of Machiavelli\|last=Viroli\|first=Maurizio\|date=9 January 2002\|publisher=Macmillan\|isbn=9780374528003\|pages= 81–86}}</ref> He distrusted mercenaries (A distrust that he explained in his official reports and then later in his theoretical works for their unpatriotic and uninvested nature in the war that makes their allegiance fickle and often unreliable when most needed),<ref>This point is made especially in The Prince, Chap XII</ref> and instead, in [[fascist]] style, staffed his army with citizens, a policy that was to be repeatedly successful. By February 1506 he was able to have marching on parade four hundred farmers, suited (Including iron breastplates), and armed with lances and small fire arms.<ref name="Viroli 81–86"/> Under his command, Florentine citizen-soldiers defeated [[Pisa]] in 1509.<ref>{{Cite book\|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=9hIPlryeSTQC&pg=PA105\|title=Niccolo's Smile: A Biography of Machiavelli\|last=Viroli\|first=Maurizio\|date=9 January 2002\|publisher=Macmillan\|isbn=9780374528003\|page=105}}</ref>		At the start of the 16th century, Machiavelli conceived of a militia for Florence, and he then began recruiting and creating it.<ref name="Viroli 81–86">{{Cite book\|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=9hIPlryeSTQC&pg=PA105\|title=Niccolo's Smile: A Biography of Machiavelli\|last=Viroli\|first=Maurizio\|date=9 January 2002\|publisher=Macmillan\|isbn=9780374528003\|pages= 81–86}}</ref> He distrusted mercenaries (A distrust that he explained in his official reports and then later in his theoretical works for their unpatriotic and uninvested nature in the war that makes their allegiance fickle and often unreliable when most needed),<ref>This point is made especially in The Prince, Chap XII</ref> and instead, in [[fascist]] style, staffed his army with citizens, a policy that was to be repeatedly successful. By February 1506 he was able to have marching on parade four hundred farmers, suited (Including iron breastplates), and armed with lances and small fire arms.<ref name="Viroli 81–86"/> Under his command, Florentine citizen-soldiers defeated [[Pisa]] in 1509.<ref>{{Cite book\|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=9hIPlryeSTQC&pg=PA105\|title=Niccolo's Smile: A Biography of Machiavelli\|last=Viroli\|first=Maurizio\|date=9 January 2002\|publisher=Macmillan\|isbn=9780374528003\|page=105}}</ref>
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	Machiavelli felt that his early schooling along the lines of a traditional classical education was essentially useless for the purpose of understanding politics. Nevertheless, he advocated intensive study of the past, particularly regarding the founding of a city, which he felt was a key to understanding its later development.<ref name=twsC11r44fzf/> Moreover, he studied the way people lived and aimed to inform leaders how they should rule and even how they themselves should live. Machiavelli denies the classical opinion that living virtuously always leads to happiness. For example, Machiavelli viewed "struggle" as "one of the vices that enables a prince to rule."<ref>Leo Strauss, Joseph Cropsey, ''History of Political Philosophy'' (1987) p. 300</ref> Machiavelli stated that "it would be best to be both loved and feared. But since the two rarely come together, anyone compelled to choose will find greater security in being feared than in being loved."<ref>Niccolò Machiavelli, ''The Prince'', Chap 17</ref> In much of Machiavelli's work, he often states that the ruler must adopt tough policies for the sake of the continuance of his reign.		Machiavelli felt that his early schooling along the lines of a traditional classical education was essentially useless for the purpose of understanding politics. Nevertheless, he advocated intensive study of the past, particularly regarding the founding of a city, which he felt was a key to understanding its later development.<ref name=twsC11r44fzf/> Moreover, he studied the way people lived and aimed to inform leaders how they should rule and even how they themselves should live. Machiavelli denies the classical opinion that living virtuously always leads to happiness. For example, Machiavelli viewed "struggle" as "one of the vices that enables a prince to rule."<ref>Leo Strauss, Joseph Cropsey, ''History of Political Philosophy'' (1987) p. 300</ref> Machiavelli stated that "it would be best to be both loved and feared. But since the two rarely come together, anyone compelled to choose will find greater security in being feared than in being loved."<ref>Niccolò Machiavelli, ''The Prince'', Chap 17</ref> In much of Machiavelli's work, he often states that the ruler must adopt tough policies for the sake of the continuance of his reign.

	A related and more controversial proposal often made is that he described how to do things in politics in a way which seemed neutral concerning who used the advice.<ref name=Fischer/> That Machiavelli strove for realism is not doubted, but for four centuries scholars have debated how best to describe his morality. ''The Prince'' made the word ''Machiavellian'' a byword for deceit, despotism, and political manipulation. But that treatment is unfair, and fodder for the ignorant.<ref>{{Cite book\|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=oi2GDwAAQBAJ&q=leo+strauss\|title=Thoughts on Machiavelli\|last=Strauss\|first=Leo\|date=4 July 2014\|publisher=University of Chicago Press\|isbn=9780226230979\|language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book\|url=http://archive.org/details/LeoStraussThoughtsOnMachiavelli_201411\|title=Leo Strauss "Thoughts On Machiavelli"\|last=Leo Strauss\|pages=9}}</ref> Italian [[anti-fascism\|anti-fascist]] philosopher [[Benedetto Croce]] (1925) surprisingly concludes Machiavelli is simply a "realist" or "pragmatist" who accurately states that moral values in reality do not greatly affect the decisions that political leaders make, showing his appeal even to anti-fascists.<ref>{{Cite book\|url=http://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.123166\|title=Benedetto Croce My Philosophy\|last=Carritt\|first=e f\|date=1949}}</ref> German philosopher [[Ernst Cassirer]] (1946) held that Machiavelli simply adopts the stance of a political scientist, a [[Galileo]] of politics—in distinguishing between the "facts" of political life and the "values" of moral judgment.<ref>Ernst Cassirer, [https://www.amazon.com/gp/reader/0300000367?v=search-inside&keywords=machiavelli+galileo ''The Myth of the State,'' (1946) p. 136, online]</ref> On the other hand, [[Walter Russell Mead]] has argued that ''The Prince''{{'}}s advice presupposes the importance of ideas like [[legitimacy]] in making changes to the political system.<ref>{{Cite web\|url=http://blogs.the-american-interest.com/stratblog/2011/05/03/when-isms-go-to-war/\|title=When Isms go to War {{!}} StratBlog\|date=29 October 2013\|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131029210725/http://blogs.the-american-interest.com/stratblog/2011/05/03/when-isms-go-to-war/\|access-date=29 October 2019\|archive-date=29 October 2013}}</ref>		A related and more controversial proposal often made is that he described how to do things in politics in a way which seemed neutral concerning who used the advice.<ref name=Fischer/> That Machiavelli strove for realism is not doubted, but for four centuries scholars have debated how best to describe his morality. ''The Prince'' made the word ''Machiavellian'' a byword for deceit, despotism, and political manipulation. But that treatment is unfair, and fodder for the ignorant.<ref>{{Cite book\|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=oi2GDwAAQBAJ&q=leo+strauss\|title=Thoughts on Machiavelli\|last=Strauss\|first=Leo\|date=4 July 2014\|publisher=University of Chicago Press\|isbn=9780226230979\|language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book\|url=http://archive.org/details/LeoStraussThoughtsOnMachiavelli_201411\|title=Leo Strauss "Thoughts On Machiavelli"\|last=Leo Strauss\|pages=9}}</ref> Italian [[anti-fascism\|anti-fascist]] philosopher [[Benedetto Croce]] (1925) surprisingly concludes Machiavelli is simply a "realist" or "pragmatist" who accurately states that moral values in [[reality]] do not greatly affect the decisions that political leaders make, showing his appeal even to anti-fascists.<ref>{{Cite book\|url=http://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.123166\|title=Benedetto Croce My Philosophy\|last=Carritt\|first=e f\|date=1949}}</ref> German philosopher [[Ernst Cassirer]] (1946) held that Machiavelli simply adopts the stance of a political scientist, a [[Galileo]] of politics—in distinguishing between the "facts" of political life and the "values" of moral judgment.<ref>Ernst Cassirer, [https://www.amazon.com/gp/reader/0300000367?v=search-inside&keywords=machiavelli+galileo ''The Myth of the State,'' (1946) p. 136, online]</ref> On the other hand, [[Walter Russell Mead]] has argued that ''The Prince''{{'}}s advice presupposes the importance of ideas like [[legitimacy]] in making changes to the political system.<ref>{{Cite web\|url=http://blogs.the-american-interest.com/stratblog/2011/05/03/when-isms-go-to-war/\|title=When Isms go to War {{!}} StratBlog\|date=29 October 2013\|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131029210725/http://blogs.the-american-interest.com/stratblog/2011/05/03/when-isms-go-to-war/\|access-date=29 October 2019\|archive-date=29 October 2013}}</ref>

	=== Fortune ===		=== Fortune ===

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	Machiavelli's ideas had a profound impact on political leaders throughout the modern west, helped by the new technology of the printing press. During the first generations after Machiavelli, his main influence was in non-republican governments. Pole reported that ''The Prince'' was spoken of highly by [[Thomas Cromwell]] in England and had influenced [[Henry VIII]] in his turn towards Protestantism, and in his tactics.<ref name="BireleyP15">{{Harvcoltxt\|Bireley\|1990\|p=15}}</ref> A copy was also possessed by the Catholic king and Holy Roman Emperor Charles V.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt\|Haitsma Mulier\|1999\|p=248}}</ref> In France, after an initially mixed reaction, Machiavelli came to be associated with [[Catherine de' Medici]] and the [[St. Bartholomew's Day massacre]]. As {{Harvcoltxt\|Bireley\|1990\|p=17}} reports, in the 16th century, Catholic writers "associated Machiavelli with the Protestants, whereas Protestant authors saw him as Italian and Catholic". In fact, he was apparently influencing both Catholic and Protestant kings.<ref>While Bireley focuses on writers in the Catholic countries, {{Harvcoltxt\|Haitsma Mulier\|1999}} makes the same observation, writing with more of a focus upon the Protestant Dutch Republic.</ref>		Machiavelli's ideas had a profound impact on political leaders throughout the modern west, helped by the new technology of the printing press. During the first generations after Machiavelli, his main influence was in non-republican governments. Pole reported that ''The Prince'' was spoken of highly by [[Thomas Cromwell]] in England and had influenced [[Henry VIII]] in his turn towards Protestantism, and in his tactics.<ref name="BireleyP15">{{Harvcoltxt\|Bireley\|1990\|p=15}}</ref> A copy was also possessed by the Catholic king and Holy Roman Emperor Charles V.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt\|Haitsma Mulier\|1999\|p=248}}</ref> In France, after an initially mixed reaction, Machiavelli came to be associated with [[Catherine de' Medici]] and the [[St. Bartholomew's Day massacre]]. As {{Harvcoltxt\|Bireley\|1990\|p=17}} reports, in the 16th century, Catholic writers "associated Machiavelli with the Protestants, whereas Protestant authors saw him as Italian and Catholic". In fact, he was apparently influencing both Catholic and Protestant kings.<ref>While Bireley focuses on writers in the Catholic countries, {{Harvcoltxt\|Haitsma Mulier\|1999}} makes the same observation, writing with more of a focus upon the Protestant Dutch Republic.</ref>

	One of the most important early works dedicated to criticism of Machiavelli, especially ''The Prince'', was that of the [[Huguenot]], [[Innocent Gentillet]], whose work commonly referred to as ''Discourse against Machiavelli'' or ''Anti Machiavel'' was published in [[Geneva]] in 1576.<ref>The first English edition was ''A Discourse upon the meanes of wel governing and maintaining in good peace, a Kingdome, or other principalitie'', translated by Simon Patericke.</ref> He accused Machiavelli of being an atheist (Which he was not) and accused politicians of his time by saying that his works were the "Koran of the courtiers", that "he is of no reputation in the court of France which hath not Machiavel's writings at the fingers ends".<ref>{{Harvcoltxt\|Bireley\|1990\|p=17}}</ref> Another theme of Gentillet was more in the spirit of Machiavelli himself: he questioned the effectiveness of immoral strategies (Just as Machiavelli had himself done). This became the theme of much future political discourse in Europe during the 17th century. This includes the Catholic Counter Reformation writers summarised by Bireley: Giovanni Botero, Justus Lipsius, Carlo Scribani, Adam Contzen, Pedro de Ribadeneira, and Diego de Saavedra Fajardo.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt\|Bireley\|1990\|p=18}}</ref> These authors criticized Machiavelli, but also followed him in many ways. ~~They~~ accepted the need for a prince to be concerned with reputation, and even a need for cunning and strategy, but compared to Machiavelli, and like later modernist writers, they emphasized economic progress much more than the riskier ventures of war. These authors tended to cite [[Tacitus]] as their source for realist political advice, rather than Machiavelli, and this pretense came to be known as "[[Tacitism]]".<ref>{{Harvcoltxt\|Bireley\|1990\|pp=223–30}}</ref> "Black Tacitism" was in support of princely rule, but "red Tacitism" arguing the case for republics, more in the original spirit of Machiavelli himself, became increasingly important.		One of the most important early works dedicated to criticism of Machiavelli, especially ''The Prince'', was that of the [[Huguenot]], [[Innocent Gentillet]], whose work commonly referred to as ''Discourse against Machiavelli'' or ''Anti Machiavel'' was published in [[Geneva]] in 1576.<ref>The first English edition was ''A Discourse upon the meanes of wel governing and maintaining in good peace, a Kingdome, or other principalitie'', translated by Simon Patericke.</ref> He accused Machiavelli of being an atheist (Which he was not) and accused politicians of his time by saying that his works were the "Koran of the courtiers", that "he is of no reputation in the court of France which hath not Machiavel's writings at the fingers ends".<ref>{{Harvcoltxt\|Bireley\|1990\|p=17}}</ref> Another theme of Gentillet was more in the spirit of Machiavelli himself: he questioned the effectiveness of immoral strategies (Just as Machiavelli had himself done). This became the theme of much future political discourse in Europe during the 17th century. This includes the Catholic Counter Reformation writers summarised by Bireley: Giovanni Botero, Justus Lipsius, Carlo Scribani, Adam Contzen, Pedro de Ribadeneira, and Diego de Saavedra Fajardo.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt\|Bireley\|1990\|p=18}}</ref> These authors criticized Machiavelli, but also followed him in many ways. they accepted the need for a prince to be concerned with reputation, and even a need for cunning and strategy, but compared to Machiavelli, and like later modernist writers, they emphasized economic progress much more than the riskier ventures of war. These authors tended to cite [[Tacitus]] as their source for realist political advice, rather than Machiavelli, and this pretense came to be known as "[[Tacitism]]".<ref>{{Harvcoltxt\|Bireley\|1990\|pp=223–30}}</ref> "Black Tacitism" was in support of princely rule, but "red Tacitism" arguing the case for republics, more in the original spirit of Machiavelli himself, became increasingly important.

	[[File:British-Francis Bacon.png\|thumb\|left\|Francis Bacon argued the case for what would become modern science which would be based more upon real experience and experimentation, free from assumptions about metaphysics, and aimed at increasing control of nature. He named Machiavelli as a predecessor.]]		[[File:British-Francis Bacon.png\|thumb\|left\|Francis Bacon argued the case for what would become modern science which would be based more upon real experience and experimentation, free from assumptions about metaphysics, and aimed at increasing control of nature. He named Machiavelli as a predecessor.]]

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	The Florentine city-state and the republic were dissolved, and Machiavelli was deprived of office and banished from the city for a year.{{sfn\|Machiavelli\|1981\|p=3\|loc=intro}} In 1513, the Medici accused him of conspiracy against them and had him imprisoned.<ref>{{Cite book\|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=2kiYz6d278IC&q=quentin%20skinner%20machiavelli&pg=PT36\|title=Machiavelli: A Very Short Introduction\|last=Skinner\|first=Quentin\|date=12 October 2000\|publisher=OUP Oxford\|isbn=9780191540349\|page=36}}</ref> Despite being subjected to torture{{sfn\|Machiavelli\|1981\|p=3\|loc=intro}} ("[[strappado\|With the rope]]", in which the prisoner is hanged from his bound wrists from the back, forcing the arms to bear the body's weight and dislocating the shoulders), he denied involvement and was released after three weeks.		The Florentine city-state and the republic were dissolved, and Machiavelli was deprived of office and banished from the city for a year.{{sfn\|Machiavelli\|1981\|p=3\|loc=intro}} In 1513, the Medici accused him of conspiracy against them and had him imprisoned.<ref>{{Cite book\|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=2kiYz6d278IC&q=quentin%20skinner%20machiavelli&pg=PT36\|title=Machiavelli: A Very Short Introduction\|last=Skinner\|first=Quentin\|date=12 October 2000\|publisher=OUP Oxford\|isbn=9780191540349\|page=36}}</ref> Despite being subjected to torture{{sfn\|Machiavelli\|1981\|p=3\|loc=intro}} ("[[strappado\|With the rope]]", in which the prisoner is hanged from his bound wrists from the back, forcing the arms to bear the body's weight and dislocating the shoulders), he denied involvement and was released after three weeks.

	Machiavelli then retired to his farm estate at [[Sant'Andrea in Percussina]], near [[San Casciano in Val di Pesa]], where he devoted himself to studying and writing his political treatises. He visited places in France, Germany, and Italy where he had represented the Florentine republic. Machiavelli Despairing of the opportunity to remain directly involved in political matters, after a time, he began to participate in intellectual groups in Florence and wrote several plays that (Unlike his works on political theory) were both popular and widely known in his lifetime. Politics remained his main passion and, to satisfy this interest, he maintained a well-known correspondence with more politically connected friends, attempting to become involved once again in political life.<ref>Niccolò Machiavelli (1996), ''Machiavelli and his friends: Their personal correspondence'', Northern Illinois University Press, translated and edited by James B. Atkinson and David Sices.</ref> In a letter to [[Francesco Vettori]], he described his experience:		Machiavelli then retired to his farm estate at [[Sant'Andrea in Percussina]], near [[San Casciano in Val di Pesa]], where he devoted himself to studying and writing his political treatises. He visited places in France, Germany, and Italy where he had represented the Florentine republic. Machiavelli Despairing of the opportunity to remain directly involved in political matters, after a time, he began to participate in intellectual groups in Florence and wrote several plays that (Unlike his works on political [[theory]]) were both popular and widely known in his lifetime. Politics remained his main passion and, to satisfy this interest, he maintained a well-known correspondence with more politically connected friends, attempting to become involved once again in political life.<ref>Niccolò Machiavelli (1996), ''Machiavelli and his friends: Their personal correspondence'', Northern Illinois University Press, translated and edited by James B. Atkinson and David Sices.</ref> In a letter to [[Francesco Vettori]], he described his experience:

	{{quote\|When evening comes, I go back home, and go to my study. On the threshold, I take off my work clothes, covered in mud and filth, and I put on the clothes an ambassador would wear. Decently dressed, I enter the ancient courts of rulers who have long since died. There, I am warmly welcomed, and I feed on the only food I find nourishing and was born to savour. I am not ashamed to talk to them and ask them to explain their actions and they, out of kindness, answer me. Four hours go by without my feeling any anxiety. I forget every worry. I am no longer afraid of poverty or frightened of death. I live entirely through them.<ref>Joshua Kaplan, "Political Theory: The Classic Texts and their Continuing Relevance," ''The Modern Scholar'' (14 lectures in the series; lecture #7 / disc 4), 2005.</ref>\|Machiavelli}}		{{quote\|When evening comes, I go back home, and go to my study. On the threshold, I take off my work clothes, covered in mud and filth, and I put on the clothes an ambassador would wear. Decently dressed, I enter the ancient courts of rulers who have long since died. There, I am warmly welcomed, and I feed on the only food I find nourishing and was born to savour. I am not ashamed to talk to them and ask them to explain their actions and they, out of kindness, answer me. Four hours go by without my feeling any anxiety. I forget every worry. I am no longer afraid of poverty or frightened of death. I live entirely through them.<ref>Joshua Kaplan, "Political Theory: The Classic Texts and their Continuing Relevance," ''The Modern Scholar'' (14 lectures in the series; lecture #7 / disc 4), 2005.</ref>\|Machiavelli}}
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	'''V. Thucydides'''		'''V. Thucydides'''
	Some scholars note the similarity between Machiavelli and the Greek historian [[Thucydides]], since both emphasized power politics.<ref>Paul Anthony Rahe, ''Against throne and altar: Machiavelli and political theory under the English Republic'' (2008), p. 282</ref><ref>Jack Donnelly, ''Realism and International Relations'' (2000), p. 68</ref> Strauss argued that Machiavelli may indeed have been influenced by pre-Socratic philosophers, but he felt it was a new combination:		Some scholars note the similarity between Machiavelli and the Greek historian [[Thucydides]], since both emphasized power politics.<ref>Paul Anthony Rahe, ''Against throne and altar: Machiavelli and political [[theory]] under the English Republic'' (2008), p. 282</ref><ref>Jack Donnelly, ''Realism and International Relations'' (2000), p. 68</ref> Strauss argued that Machiavelli may indeed have been influenced by pre-Socratic philosophers, but he felt it was a new combination:
	{{Quote\|...contemporary readers are reminded by Machiavelli's teaching of Thucydides; they find in both authors the same "realism," i.e., the same denial of the power of the gods or of justice and the same sensitivity to harsh necessity and elusive chance. Yet Thucydides never calls in question the intrinsic superiority of nobility to baseness, a superiority that shines forth particularly when the noble is destroyed by the base. Therefore Thucydides' History arouses in the reader a sadness which is never aroused by Machiavelli's books. In Machiavelli we find comedies, parodies, and satires but nothing reminding of tragedy. One half of humanity remains outside of his thought. There is no tragedy in Machiavelli because he has no sense of the sacredness of "the common."\|Strauss\|1958}}		{{Quote\|...contemporary readers are reminded by Machiavelli's teaching of Thucydides; they find in both authors the same "realism," i.e., the same denial of the power of the gods or of justice and the same sensitivity to harsh necessity and elusive chance. Yet Thucydides never calls in question the intrinsic superiority of nobility to baseness, a superiority that shines forth particularly when the noble is destroyed by the base. Therefore Thucydides' History arouses in the reader a sadness which is never aroused by Machiavelli's books. In Machiavelli we find comedies, parodies, and satires but nothing reminding of tragedy. One half of humanity remains outside of his thought. There is no tragedy in Machiavelli because he has no sense of the sacredness of "the common."\|Strauss\|1958}}

Deleted User at 23:37, 4 January 2023

2023-01-04T23:37:10Z

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	In English Renaissance theatre (Elizabethan and Jacobian), the term "Machiavel" (From 'Nicholas Machiavel', an "anglicization" of Machiavelli's name based on French)<ref>{{cite web\|access-date=2021-12-31\|title=Machiavel\|url=https://www.oxfordreference.com/view/10.1093/oi/authority.20110803100122752\|website=Oxford Reference}}</ref><ref>{{cite web\|access-date=2021-12-31\|title=MACHIAVEL English Definition and Meaning {{!}} Lexico.com\|url=https://www.lexico.com/en/definition/machiavel\|website=Lexico Dictionaries }}</ref>		In English Renaissance theatre (Elizabethan and Jacobian), the term "Machiavel" (From 'Nicholas Machiavel', an "anglicization" of Machiavelli's name based on French)<ref>{{cite web\|access-date=2021-12-31\|title=Machiavel\|url=https://www.oxfordreference.com/view/10.1093/oi/authority.20110803100122752\|website=Oxford Reference}}</ref><ref>{{cite web\|access-date=2021-12-31\|title=MACHIAVEL English Definition and Meaning {{!}} Lexico.com\|url=https://www.lexico.com/en/definition/machiavel\|website=Lexico Dictionaries }}</ref>

	Christopher Marlowe's play ''[[The [[~~Jews~~]] of Malta]]'' (ca. 1589) contains a prologue by a character called Machiavel, a Senecan ghost based on Machiavelli.<ref>{{cite web \|url=https://player.fm/series/jew-of-malta-the-by-marlowe-christopher \|title=jew of Malta, The by MARLOWE, Christopher \|work=Player FM \|year=2016 \|access-date=12 May 2018}}</ref>		Christopher Marlowe's play ''[[The [[jews]] of Malta]]'' (ca. 1589) contains a prologue by a character called Machiavel, a Senecan ghost based on Machiavelli.<ref>{{cite web \|url=https://player.fm/series/jew-of-malta-the-by-marlowe-christopher \|title=jew of Malta, The by MARLOWE, Christopher \|work=Player FM \|year=2016 \|access-date=12 May 2018}}</ref>

	Somerset Maugham's last book ''Then and Now'' fictionalizes Machiavelli's interactions with Cesare Borgia, which formed the foundation of ''The Prince''.		Somerset Maugham's last book ''Then and Now'' fictionalizes Machiavelli's interactions with Cesare Borgia, which formed the foundation of ''The Prince''.
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	[[Category:People]]		[[Category:People]]
	~~[[Category:Politicians]]~~
	[[Category:Activists]]		[[Category:Activists]]
	[[Category:Philosophers]]		[[Category:Philosophers]]
			[[Category:Politicians]]
	[[Category:Scientists]]		[[Category:Scientists]]

Ramenta Plumbi: Fixed some minor typos, mostly the sticking of words linked near or with fascism. Tacitism has been capitalized as, to my knowledge, ideologies are to be capitalized when they are derived from a person's name. I may be wrong on this, though.

2023-01-04T23:20:10Z

Fixed some minor typos, mostly the sticking of words linked near or with fascism. Tacitism has been capitalized as, to my knowledge, ideologies are to be capitalized when they are derived from a person's name. I may be wrong on this, though.

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Bacchus: Text replacement - "Category:People|" to "Category:People"

2022-12-12T23:28:06Z

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Bacchus: Text replacement - "Category:People" to "Category:People|"

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Bacchus: Text replacement - "Category:People|" to "Category:People"

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	Machiavelli's ideas had a profound impact on political leaders throughout the modern west, helped by the new technology of the printing press. During the first generations after Machiavelli, his main influence was in non-republican governments. Pole reported that ''The Prince'' was spoken of highly by [[Thomas Cromwell]] in England and had influenced [[Henry VIII]] in his turn towards Protestantism, and in his tactics.<ref name="BireleyP15">{{Harvcoltxt\|Bireley\|1990\|p=15}}</ref> A copy was also possessed by the Catholic king and Holy Roman Emperor Charles V.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt\|Haitsma Mulier\|1999\|p=248}}</ref> In France, after an initially mixed reaction, Machiavelli came to be associated with [[Catherine de' Medici]] and the [[St. Bartholomew's Day massacre]]. As {{Harvcoltxt\|Bireley\|1990\|p=17}} reports, in the 16th century, Catholic writers "associated Machiavelli with the Protestants, whereas Protestant authors saw him as Italian and Catholic". In fact, he was apparently influencing both Catholic and Protestant kings.<ref>While Bireley focuses on writers in the Catholic countries, {{Harvcoltxt\|Haitsma Mulier\|1999}} makes the same observation, writing with more of a focus upon the Protestant Dutch Republic.</ref>		Machiavelli's ideas had a profound impact on political leaders throughout the modern west, helped by the new technology of the printing press. During the first generations after Machiavelli, his main influence was in non-republican governments. Pole reported that ''The Prince'' was spoken of highly by [[Thomas Cromwell]] in England and had influenced [[Henry VIII]] in his turn towards Protestantism, and in his tactics.<ref name="BireleyP15">{{Harvcoltxt\|Bireley\|1990\|p=15}}</ref> A copy was also possessed by the Catholic king and Holy Roman Emperor Charles V.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt\|Haitsma Mulier\|1999\|p=248}}</ref> In France, after an initially mixed reaction, Machiavelli came to be associated with [[Catherine de' Medici]] and the [[St. Bartholomew's Day massacre]]. As {{Harvcoltxt\|Bireley\|1990\|p=17}} reports, in the 16th century, Catholic writers "associated Machiavelli with the Protestants, whereas Protestant authors saw him as Italian and Catholic". In fact, he was apparently influencing both Catholic and Protestant kings.<ref>While Bireley focuses on writers in the Catholic countries, {{Harvcoltxt\|Haitsma Mulier\|1999}} makes the same observation, writing with more of a focus upon the Protestant Dutch Republic.</ref>

	One of the most important early works dedicated to criticism of Machiavelli, especially ''The Prince'', was that of the [[Huguenot]], [[Innocent Gentillet]], whose work commonly referred to as ''Discourse against Machiavelli'' or ''Anti Machiavel'' was published in [[Geneva]] in 1576.<ref>The first English edition was ''A Discourse upon the meanes of wel governing and maintaining in good peace, a Kingdome, or other principalitie'', translated by Simon Patericke.</ref> He accused Machiavelli of being an atheist (Which he was not) and accused politicians of his time by saying that his works were the "Koran of the courtiers", that "he is of no reputation in the court of France which hath not Machiavel's writings at the fingers ends".<ref>{{Harvcoltxt\|Bireley\|1990\|p=17}}</ref> Another theme of Gentillet was more in the spirit of Machiavelli himself: he questioned the effectiveness of immoral strategies (Just as Machiavelli had himself done). This became the theme of much future political discourse in Europe during the 17th century. This includes the Catholic Counter Reformation writers summarised by Bireley: Giovanni Botero, Justus Lipsius, Carlo Scribani, Adam Contzen, Pedro de Ribadeneira, and Diego de Saavedra Fajardo.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt\|Bireley\|1990\|p=18}}</ref> These authors criticized Machiavelli, but also followed him in many ways. ~~They~~ accepted the need for a prince to be concerned with reputation, and even a need for cunning and strategy, but compared to Machiavelli, and like later modernist writers, they emphasized economic progress much more than the riskier ventures of war. These authors tended to cite [[Tacitus]] as their source for realist political advice, rather than Machiavelli, and this pretense came to be known as "[[Tacitism]]".<ref>{{Harvcoltxt\|Bireley\|1990\|pp=223–30}}</ref> "Black Tacitism" was in support of princely rule, but "red Tacitism" arguing the case for republics, more in the original spirit of Machiavelli himself, became increasingly important.		One of the most important early works dedicated to criticism of Machiavelli, especially ''The Prince'', was that of the [[Huguenot]], [[Innocent Gentillet]], whose work commonly referred to as ''Discourse against Machiavelli'' or ''Anti Machiavel'' was published in [[Geneva]] in 1576.<ref>The first English edition was ''A Discourse upon the meanes of wel governing and maintaining in good peace, a Kingdome, or other principalitie'', translated by Simon Patericke.</ref> He accused Machiavelli of being an atheist (Which he was not) and accused politicians of his time by saying that his works were the "Koran of the courtiers", that "he is of no reputation in the court of France which hath not Machiavel's writings at the fingers ends".<ref>{{Harvcoltxt\|Bireley\|1990\|p=17}}</ref> Another theme of Gentillet was more in the spirit of Machiavelli himself: he questioned the effectiveness of immoral strategies (Just as Machiavelli had himself done). This became the theme of much future political discourse in Europe during the 17th century. This includes the Catholic Counter Reformation writers summarised by Bireley: Giovanni Botero, Justus Lipsius, Carlo Scribani, Adam Contzen, Pedro de Ribadeneira, and Diego de Saavedra Fajardo.<ref>{{Harvcoltxt\|Bireley\|1990\|p=18}}</ref> These authors criticized Machiavelli, but also followed him in many ways. they accepted the need for a prince to be concerned with reputation, and even a need for cunning and strategy, but compared to Machiavelli, and like later modernist writers, they emphasized economic progress much more than the riskier ventures of war. These authors tended to cite [[Tacitus]] as their source for realist political advice, rather than Machiavelli, and this pretense came to be known as "[[Tacitism]]".<ref>{{Harvcoltxt\|Bireley\|1990\|pp=223–30}}</ref> "Black Tacitism" was in support of princely rule, but "red Tacitism" arguing the case for republics, more in the original spirit of Machiavelli himself, became increasingly important.

	[[File:British-Francis Bacon.png\|thumb\|left\|Francis Bacon argued the case for what would become modern science which would be based more upon real experience and experimentation, free from assumptions about metaphysics, and aimed at increasing control of nature. He named Machiavelli as a predecessor.]]		[[File:British-Francis Bacon.png\|thumb\|left\|Francis Bacon argued the case for what would become modern science which would be based more upon real experience and experimentation, free from assumptions about metaphysics, and aimed at increasing control of nature. He named Machiavelli as a predecessor.]]