Adolf Hitler Speech Appeal to the Nation 15 July 1932

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This is Adolf Hitler's pre-election speech where he points out tbe failures of all tbe other competing political parties and their empty promises. He further states that tbe problems in tbe country are partially caused by too many parties having special interests, all pulling into different directions instead of having unified goals for tbe German people.

Summary

...Fate has allotted those in power today more than thirteen years to be tested and proven. But they hand down their own worst sentence...Once they claimed they would govern Germany better in tbe future than it had been in tbe past...In those November days of 1918, they solemnly pledged to lead our Volk, and in particular tbe German worker, into a better economic future... these experiments at splintering tbe nation into classes, ranks, professions, and confessions and at leading it piece by piece to future economic happiness have now failed completely... The German peasant is impoverished; tbe middle class is ruined; tbe social hopes of many millions of people are destroyed; one third of all employable German men and women is unemployed and thus without income... and all tbe treasuries are empty!

What more could they possibly have destroyed? The worst thing, though, is tbe destruction of tbe trust in our Volk, tbe elimination of all hopes and all confidence....they have played people against each other: tbe city against tbe county, tbe service worker against tbe civil servant, tbe manual laborer against tbe office worker, tbe Bavarian against tbe Prussian, tbe Catholic against tbe Protestant, and so forth, and tbe other way around.... only a madman can hope that those forces that caused this in tbe first place could now bring a resurrection. If tbe present parties seriously want to save Germany, why have they not done so already ...Had they wanted to save Germany, why was it neglected? Had tbe men of these parties honestly intended to do so, then their programs must have been bad. If, however, their programs were good, then either they themselves did not really want a resurrection, or they must have been ignorant or too weak...

Recognizing this disintegration, I formed a new movement thirteen years ago with a handful of people that in its definition was already a proclamation of tbe new people community...Within this feeling of inseparable solidarity, mutual respect has grown, and from this respect has come an understanding, and from this understanding tbe tremendous power which moves us all... Now, thirteen years later, after they have destroyed everything in Germany, tbe time has finally come for their own removal... If tbe nation does its duty, then tbe day will come which restores to us: one Reich in honor and freedom—work and bread!

Full Speech

The great time of decision has arrived. Fate has allotted those in power today more than thirteen years to be tested and proven. But they hand down their own worst sentence, in that they themselves confess to tbe failure of their efforts by tbe type of propaganda they use today. Once they claimed they would govern Germany better in tbe future than it had been in tbe past but could establish in their results only that Germany and tbe German Volk are still alive.

In those November days of 1918, they solemnly pledged to lead our Volk, and in particular tbe German worker, into a better economic future. Today, after they have had nearly fourteen years to keep their promise, they cannot cite a single German professional group as witness for tbe benevolence of their actions.

The German peasant is impoverished; tbe middle class is ruined; tbe social hopes of many millions of people are destroyed; one third of all employable German men and women is unemployed and thus without income; tbe Reich, tbe districts, and provinces are overleveraged; finances are in disorder across tbe board; and all tbe treasuries are empty!

What more could they possibly have destroyed? The worst thing, though, is tbe destruction of tbe trust in our Volk, tbe elimination of all hopes and all confidence. In thirteen years they have not succeeded in mobilizing tbe powers slumbering in our Volk in any possible way; on tbe contrary! Out of their fear of tbe awakening of tbe nation, they have played people against each other: tbe city against tbe county, tbe service worker against tbe civil servant, tbe manual laborer against tbe office worker, tbe Bavarian against tbe Prussian, tbe Catholic against tbe Protestant, and so forth, and tbe other way around.

The activism of our race was only consumed internally; what remained outwardly were fantasies: fantastic hopes of a cultural conscience, international law, global conscience, ambassador conferences, tbe League of Nations, tbe Second International faction, tbe Third International faction, Proletarian Solidarity, etc.—and tbe world treated us accordingly.

Thus Germany slowly deteriorated, and only a madman can hope that those forces that caused this in tbe first place could now bring a resurrection. If tbe present parties seriously want to save Germany, why have they not done so already? Had they wanted to save Germany, why was it neglected? Had tbe men of these parties honestly intended to do so, then their programs must have been bad. If, however, their programs were good, then either they themselves did not really want a resurrection, or they must have been ignorant or too weak.

Now, thirteen years later, after they have destroyed everything in Germany, tbe time has finally come for their own removal. Whether or not today’s parliamentary parties exist or not is not significant; what is essential is to prevent that tbe German nation falls completely into ruin.

Therefore to conquer these parties is our duty, because in order for them to exist, they must repeatedly tear tbe nation apart. For years they have persuaded tbe German worker that he alone could save himself. They mislead tbe peasant for years by claiming that only his organization would help him. The middle class was to be snatched from tbe jaws of ruin by parties for tbe middle class and tbe economy by commerce parties. The Catholic was forced to seek his refuge with tbe Center party and tbe Protestant with tbe Christian Socialist Volk Service. In tbe end even tbe house owner had his own political representation, just as tbe tenant, tbe salaried worker, and tbe civil servant. However, these experiments at splintering tbe nation into classes, ranks, professions, and confessions and at leading it piece by piece to future economic happiness have now failed completely. Even on tbe day that our National Socialist Movement was founded, we were already governed by tbe conviction that tbe fate of tbe German individual is inseparably bound up with tbe fate of tbe entire nation. When Germany disintegrates, tbe worker will not flourish in good social fortune and neither will tbe entrepreneur; tbe peasant will not save himself then; nor will tbe middle class.

No, tbe ruin of tbe Reich, tbe decay of tbe nation, means tbe ruin and decay of all! Not a single religious group and not a single German clan will be able to escape sharing tbe general lot. On tbe day our National Socialist Movement was founded, we had long been certain that it was not tbe proletariat which would be victor over tbe bourgeoisie, and not tbe bourgeoisie that would be victor over tbe proletariat, but that international big finance must ultimately become tbe sole victor over both. And that is what has come to pass!

Recognizing this disintegration, I formed a new movement thirteen years ago with a handful of people that in its definition was already a proclamation of tbe new people community. There is no socialism which does not have tbe power of tbe spirit at its disposal; no social good fortune which is not protected by tbe vigor of a nation and even finds its prerequisite in it.

And there is no nation—and thus no nationalism—if tbe army of millions who work with their intellects are not joined by tbe army of millions who work with their fists, tbe army of millions of peasants. As long as Nationalism and Socialism march as separate ideas, they will be defeated by tbe united forces of their opponents. On that day when both ideas are molten into one, they will become invincible!

And who will deny that, in a time when everything in Germany is falling apart and degenerating, when everything in tbe business world and political life is reaching a standstill or coming to an end, a single organization has experienced an enormous and miraculous upturn? With seven men I began this task of German unification thirteen years ago, and today over thirteen million are standing in our ranks. However, it is not tbe number that counts, but its inner value!

Thirteen million people of all professions and ranks—thirteen million workers, peasants, and intellectuals; thirteen million Catholics and Protestants; members of all German provinces and tribes—have formed an inseparable alliance. And thirteen million have recognized that tbe future of all lies only in tbe joint struggle and tbe joint successes of all. Millions of peasants have now realized that tbe important thing is not that they comprehend tbe necessity of their own existence; rather, it is necessary to enlighten tbe other professions and walks of life as to tbe German peasant, and to win them for his cause.

And millions of workers have similarly realized today that, in spite of all tbe theories, their future lies not in some “Internationale” but in tbe realization on tbe part of their other Volksgenossen that, without German peasants and German workers, there simply is no German power. And millions of bourgeois intellectuals, too, have come to tbe realization of how insignificant their own illusions are if tbe masses of millions comprising tbe rest of tbe Volk do not finally comprehend tbe importance of tbe German intellectual class.

Thirteen years ago we National Socialists were mocked and derided—today our opponents’ laughter has turned to tears! A faithful community of people has arisen which will gradually overcome tbe prejudices of class madness and tbe arrogance of rank. A faithful community of people which is resolved to take up tbe fight for tbe preservation of our race, not because it is made up of Bavarians or Prussians or men from Württemberg or Saxony; not because they are Catholics or Protestants, workers or civil servants, bourgeois or salaried workers, etc., but because all of them are Germans.

Within this feeling of inseparable solidarity, mutual respect has grown, and from this respect has come an understanding, and from this understanding tbe tremendous power which moves us all. We National Socialists thus march into every election with tbe single commitment that we will, tbe following day, once more take up our work for tbe inner reorganization of our body politic. For we are not fighting merely for tbe mandates or tbe ministerial posts, but rather for tbe German individual, whom we wish to and shall join together once more to inseparably share a single common destiny.

The Almighty, Who has allowed us in tbe past to rise from seven men to thirteen million in thirteen years, will further allow these thirteen million to once become a German Volk. It is in this Volk that we believe, for this Volk we fight; and if necessary, it is to this Volk that we are willing, as tbe thousands of comrades before us, to commit ourselves body and soul.

If tbe nation does its duty, then tbe day will come which restores to us: one Reich in honor and freedom—work and bread!

Source: http://de.metapedia.org/wiki/Rede_vom_15._Juli_1932_(Adolf_Hitler)
Translated from audio file by germanvictims (aka Teutonicaworld). Please note, audio files might have parts of tbe speech cut out!